Bauman Rare Books Early 2020 Online Catalogue

EARLY 2020 ONLINE CATALOGUE

Black History & Literature

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“The First American Martyr To The Freedom Of The Press, And The Freedom Of The Slave” (John Quincy Adams)

(LOVEJOY, Elijah P.) LOVEJOY, Joseph C. and Owen. Memoir of the Rev. Elijah P. Lovejoy; Who Was Murdered in Defence of the Liberty of the Press, At Alton, Illinois, Nov. 7, 1837. With an Introduction by John Quincy Adams. New York, 1838. Octavo, original gray cloth. $3200. View on Website First edition of the publisher and editor’s memoir, issued the year after his murder, only two years after he denounced the lynching by fire of a free black man, as an act of “savage barbarity,” a seminal record of key event in America’s abolitionist battle and the history of the First Amendment. Elijah Lovejoy, who was born in Maine, began publishing the abolitionist Observer after he moved to St. Louis. When, in 1836, a mob dragged Francis McIntosh, a free black man accused of murder, from the St. Louis jail and set him on fire, killing him, “Lovejoy’s Observer described the lynching by fire as an ‘awful murder and savage barbarity’… [and] attacked Judge Luke Lawless” ( St. Louis Post-Dispatch ). Lawless, who presided over the grand jury investigating the lynching of McIntosh, had “declared that such actions by ‘the many—of the multitude… is beyond the reach of human law!’… [and] made it clear that he blamed abolitionist agitators… With this judicial encouragement, vandals entered the Observer office on three or four occasions… Prophetically, Lovejoy pointed out that Lawless’ reasoning would allow a mob to destroy the Observer , kill its editor, and escape punishment’” (Kielbowicz, “Law and Mob Law,” in Law and History Review V.24, 587-88). After mobs destroyed his shop a third time, “Lovejoy moved the Observer to nearby Alton, Illinois, only to see the violence against him and his press escalate… he died, five bullets in his heart, while defending his fourth press from an armed, arsonist mob… Lovejoy’s murder marked a turning point in Northern attitudes regarding the antislavery movement’s print tactics; no longer perceived as a dangerous criminal act, abolitionist print agitation was for the most part tolerated—however grudgingly—as a recognized form of free speech appropriate to a healthy democracy… that the editor’s murder, like that of McIntosh, was followed by highly suspicious judicial pandering to the Slave Power only reinforced abolitionist efforts to associate antislavery with both freedom of expression and trial by jury” (DeLombard, Slavery on Trial , 57).

When verdicts were handed down in the Alton case, both the abolitionists who tried to defend Lovejoy’s press and the members of the mob who attacked it were acquitted or had their cases dropped. “Within days of the Alton verdicts, Abraham Lincoln, then a young attorney in Springfield, lamented the ‘mobocratic spirit… now abroad in the land.’ In a prophetic speech, Lincoln identified the ‘growing disposition to substitute the wild and furious passions, in lieu of the sober judgment of the Courts’ as the principal threat to the survival of American political institutions” and, in a reference to Lovejoy, he also spoke harshly of those who “throw printing presses into rivers, [and] shoot editors.’” Scholar Michael Kent Curtis has credited “abolitionists’ free-speech efforts with breathing meaning into abstract notions of freedom of expression and laying the foundation for First and 14th Amendment doctrines that matured in the 20th century.” There remains, nevertheless, a key aspect of the debate over free speech that endorses “the view that communities should have some control over ideas disseminated in their midst,” supported as a form of nuisance law. “Not until 1931 did the U.S. Supreme Court, in Near v. Minnesota , rule out the use of public nuisance as a basis for silencing a publication that agitated a community.

Coincidentally or not, this also marked the Court’s first application of the 14th Amendment to strike down state restrictions that violated the First Amendment’s press clause” (Kielbowicz, 595-600). With introduction by John Quincy Adams, America’s sixth president and a leading abolitionist who, in 1841, successfully defended the enslaved Africans before the Supreme Court in the case of United States v. The Amistad . Here Adams writes: “That an American citizen, in a state whose Constitution repudiates all Slavery, should die a martyr in defence [sic] of the freedom of the press, is a phenomenon in the history of this Union.” Lovejoy, he declares, was “the first American Martyr to the freedom of the press, and the freedom of the slave.” Co-authored by Joseph C. Lovejoy and Owen Lovejoy, with extensive writings by Elijah Lovejoy and vital witness accounts. Sabin 42366. Blockson 3366. This copy contains lightly penciled presentation inscriptions on both front and rear blank leaves, reportedly by the wife of co-author Joseph C. Lovejoy, to: “Anna and E.H. Lakeman presented by Mrs. Sarah Lovejoy.” Interior very fresh with faintest occasional foxing, mere trace of dampstaining at the rear, very mild edgewear, minimal soiling to original cloth. Near-fine.

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“A Systematic Rebuttal Of The Most Common Objections To Abolition” (SLAVERY) TREADWELL, Seymour Boughton. American Liberties and American Slavery. Morally and Politically Illustrated. New-York, 1838. Octavo, original brown cloth. $2800. View on Website

First edition of this abolitionist’s treatise emphasizing the slaveholders’ muzzling of the democratic process by preventing public discussions of slavery, in the original cloth, with the bookplate of the Anti-Slavery Library. “Originally a backer of Henry Clay’s colonization scheme, Treadwell evolved into an advocate of abolition, the most extreme of the anti-slavery positions… Treadwell’s 1837 Independence Day address to an anti-slavery group prompted suggestions that he publish his abolition arguments. Selling his business, he moved to Rochester, where he penned the book American Liberties and American Slavery Morally and Politically Illustrated , a systematic rebuttal of the most common objections to abolition. That book, published in May 1838, gave Treadwell national standing. About a year after its publication, he was invited by the Michigan Anti-Slavery Society to visit Jackson. The group had organized in Ann Arbor in 1836. But Jackson, a few months prior to Treadwell’s visit, had given birth to the state’s first anti-slavery newspaper, the American Freeman . The paper failed after three issues, and Treadwell was invited to revive it… Filled with lengthy letters, essays and full-page speech transcripts, the Freeman had

plenty of focus. Treadwell was a ‘one-idea man,’ and that idea was the eradication of slavery… Meanwhile, he farmed in Leoni Township… according to his daughter, he used the farm for a more secretive purpose—aiding fugitive slaves as a station along the Underground Railroad” ( Jackson Citizen Patriot ). “In 1838, Treadwell, an obscure non-lawyer abolitionist, devoted a book to slavery and its relation to American liberty. The centerpiece of the book was a defense of freedom of expression, a concept he distinguished from the ‘loose… idea of a licentious liberty’… Treadwell suggested the right to free speech was a national right protected by the Federal Constitution. Southerners were able to express pro-slavery sentiments in the North and should be protected in that right, for they were ‘American citizens, still under the… American constitution’” (Michael Kent Curtis, “The Curious History of Attempts to Suppress Anti-Slavery Speech, Press, and Petition in 1835-37,” in Northwestern University Law Review , Vol. 89, No. 3, page 865). Contemporary bookplate of the Anti- Slavery Library. Some dampstaining to first few and last few leaves, chiefly marginal; light rubbing to binding. A very good copy in original cloth.

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“The Fruit Of Slavery… The Consequence Of Withholding From Men Their Liberty”

MCCUNE SMITH, James. A Lecture on the Haytien Revolutions; With a Sketch of the Character of Toussaint L’Ouverture. Delivered at the Stuyvesant Institute, (For the Benefit of the Colored Orphan Asylum,) February 26, 1841. New-York, 1841. Slim octavo, modern blue cloth. $4800. View on Website First edition of a landmark early history of Toussaint Louverture and the Haitian Revolution, delivered in 1841 by McCune Smith—“the African American tradition’s first man of letters” (Henry Louis Gates, Jr.)—arguing, in effect, that the “racist mythology about Africans that was created to justify and perpetuate slavery… destroys the foundations of freedom,” with frontispiece map of “Hayti or St Domingo.” To historian Henry Louis Gates, Jr., James McCune Smith stands “as the African American tradition’s first man of letters, its first intellectual and its first professional writer… he was one of the few black men or women before whom the great Frederick Douglass would bow” (Foreword in Stauffer, ed. Works , x-xi). To David Blight, of all those who have offered their interpretation of Douglass’ autobiographies, “perhaps none has done so more incisively than the first, James McCune Smith, Douglass’ good friend, ideological soul mate, and the man he asked to introduce My Bondage and My Freedom .” Born a slave in New York City in 1813 and freed by the Emancipation Act of the State of NY in 1827, McCune Smith was “an intellectual prodigy… denied admission to medical schools, he journeyed to Glasgow, Scotland, where he achieved the BA, MA and MD degrees.” On returning and meeting Douglass, “they struck up an extraordinary friendship… and shared a mutual respect for a life of the mind for black men… Douglass judged him ‘without rivals’ among black leaders” ( Frederick Douglass , 256-57). Yet McCune Smith remains overshadowed by his contemporaries, in part because “ he published no book during his lifetime… [and] his essays… were difficult to save and pass down .” Now, however, the man who died barely six months after Lee’s surrender, and long “felt that

his work ‘was not of today only but of centuries’… is finally beginning to rear himself above the waves of obscurity” (Stauffer, xvi, xxxiv; emphasis added). At the 1838 meeting of the American Anti-Slavery Society, where McCune Smith was the only black man to deliver a keynote address, he focused “on the Haitian Revolution…. [and] argued that, contrary to white abolitionist perceptions, black revolutionaries in the French colony of Saint Domingue were

the first group to advocate an immediate end to slavery” (Stauffer, xxiii). That speech became the basis for this pivotal Lecture , where he “anticipated the efforts of 20th-century black radical intellectuals like C.L.R. James. In the talk… he set out to present a full, objective history of the revolution… [and] divided his history into three revolutions, the formation of the French Republic, the abolition of slavery, and the independence of Haiti, over which Toussaint Louverture was the ‘presiding genius.’ His signal achievement, McCune Smith wrote, was not just the abolition of slavery but also of the racial caste that had divided the island into white, mixed race and blacks” (Sinha, Slave’s Cause , 454). McCune Smith’s purpose here is clear: “slavery is evil beyond question; yet the damage caused by slavery extends beyond fundamental deprivations of natural rights and violations of natural law. A racist mythology about Africans that was created to justify and perpetuate slavery… destroys the foundations of freedom” (O’Brien in Haitian Revolution , 204). First edition, only printing; bound without fragile wrappers. Sabin 82794. Blockson, 18. Interior fresh with lightest scattered foxing. An exceptional near-fine copy.

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“A Profound Impact On The History Of The United States… Brought The Nation Closer To The Day Of Reckoning” WALKER, Jonathan. Trial and Imprisonment of Jonathan Walker, At Pensacola, Florida, For Aiding Slaves to Escape from Bondage. With an Appendix, Containing a Sketch of his Life. Boston, 1845. Octavo, original brown cloth. $2800. View on Website First edition of Walker’s electrifying account of his struggle to help seven men escape slavery aboard his ship—the “cause célèbre of the transatlantic abolitionist movement”— documenting the slaves’ capture and imprisonment as well as his own punishment of having “S.S.” for Slave Stealer branded on his hand, featuring the engraved image of his branded hand, “one of the most recognizable icons” of the abolitionist movement, along with three full-page engravings, a handsome copy in original cloth.

Jonathan Walker was a ship captain from Massachusetts who lived and worked in antebellum Pensacola. The celebrated Walker case, which involved his attempt to help seven legally bonded men escape enslavement, highlighted “the perpetual nature of the war against slavery being waged by… enslaved residents of Pensacola [who] simply refused to accept their status.” The bondsmen’s struggle for freedom and Walker’s Trial and Imprisonment had “a profound impact on the history of the United States. By illuminating radical and unrelenting cross-sectional and interracial resistance to slavery, [they] fueled the fire of sectional discord and brought the nation closer to the day of reckoning” (Clavin, “Underground Railroad” in Florida Historical Quarterly V92:4, 712, 687). After seven bondsmen approached Walker and asked for his help, they boarded his ship in July 1844, but even as they were sailing down the Gulf coast of Florida, rewards were posted for capture of the bondsmen and Walker was vilified as “a race-traitor.” Detained off the coast by captain of the Eliza Catherine , they were brought back to Pensacola. Some of the bondsmen were returned to their slave owners, while others were imprisoned and beaten in jail. Walker, also imprisoned for months, was convicted after a short trial. Part of his punishment was “standing in the pillory in front of the courthouse…and having the letters ‘S.S.’ which stood for Slave Stealer, branded onto the palm of his right hand. The branding of a free white northerner for assisting enslaved black southerners was an extraordinary event… As the marshal pressed the red-hot brand into Walker’s palm, all those within earshot heard ‘a splattering noise, like a handful of salt in the fire.’” When one of the bondsmen was returned to jail on suspicion of stealing, he committed suicide. Walker, then in a nearby cell, wrote that the floor where he died “was stained with the blood of… one of the seven slaves whom I had vainly endeavored to save from bondage’” (Clavin, 695-700). Walker’s case became the “cause célèbre of the transatlantic abolitionist movement… at a meeting of the British and Foreign Anti- Slavery Society in London, the organization’s legendary leader Thomas Clarkson… led a public rally in support of him… Beyond

the hand ‘literally reached out to a mass audience across the free Northern states.’” He became a major figure on the abolitionist lecture circuit, where he moved through crowds to show his branded hand. “The effect on the assembly was profound” (Clavin, 700-6). Frederick Douglass later wrote, with his characteristic irony: “I well remember the sensation produced by the exhibition of the branded hand. It was one of the few atrocities of slavery that roused the justice and humanity of the North to a death struggle with slavery” ( New England Magazine , November 1898). Walker’s branded hand became a defining “emblem of the entire abolitionist movement and, perhaps inevitably, of the Underground Railroad” (Bordewich, Bound for Canaan , 292). “Walker never again set foot in Pensacola; nevertheless the tracks of the Underground Railroad he helped lay across the city continued to operate.” According to War of the Rebellion (1861-64), “the first fugitive slaves to seek refuge behind Union lines at the outbreak of the Civil War fled across Pensacola Bay to the federal-occupied Fort Pickens on Santa Rosa Island in March 1861… when Union forces stationed at the fort regained control over Pensacola in the second year of the war, they adopted the role of Underground Railroad employees by launching a full-scale assault on slavery… the efforts of fugitive slaves and their northern allies… contributed significantly to the Civil War’s transformation from a limited war to save the union into a total war over freedom and equality.” (Clavin, 707-712). Rare complete with three full-page engraved illustrations. Issued with front board gilt-stamped, “Narrative of Jonathan Walker” (this copy), or gilt-stamped, “The Branded Hand”: no priority established. Preface by Marie Weston Chapman dated in print: “Boston, August, 1845.” One of New England’s most prominent white abolitionists, Chapman was a pivotal figure in William Lloyd Garrison’s Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society and edited his newspaper, The Liberator . She was, as well, a leading voice for women’s rights. Blockson 10154. Interior quite fresh with mere trace of soiling, faintest edge-wear to bright gilt-stamped cloth. A splendid about-fine copy.

stoking the flames of anti-abolitionism, his greatest contribution to the sectional crisis came after abolitionists secured his release from the Pensacola jail and published several autobiographical accounts. The first and most popular was Trial and Imprisonment of Jonathan Walker, at Pensacola … Walker’s rare first-hand account of slave life on the Gulf Coast” electrified the anti-slavery cause, and the image of his branded hand offered the abolitionist movement “one of its most recognizable icons. In August 1845, just weeks after his release from jail,” a daguerreotype was made of his branded hand that “printers committed immediately to an engraving… in the words of literary scholar Marcus Wood,

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“A Remarkable Spiritual Adventure, Involving Violent Resistance To Slavery, Divine Visitations, And An Unforgettable Sea Voyage” THOMPSON, John. Life of John Thompson, A Fugitive Slave; Containing his History of 25 Years in Bondage, and his Providential Escape. Written by Himself. Worcester, 1856. Small octavo (5 by 7-1/4 inches), original gilt- and blind-stamped brown cloth. $4500. View on Website

First edition and only printing of Thompson’s self-published autobiography, a dramatic account of his life under slavery and his years aboard a whaling ship, not published again for over a hundred years, very elusive in original gilt-stamped cloth. Born enslaved in Maryland in 1812, Thompson finally escaped and found his way to New Bedford. There, although he had never been to sea, he shipped out on whaling vessel to evade capture by slave traders. After his years at sea, Thompson returned home and “sometime before 1855 he and his family relocated to Worcester, the move perhaps associated with preparation and publication of his narrative” (McCarthy & Doughton, From Bondage to Belonging , 40). In his preface, Thompson “explains that he read other slave narratives before writing his own, and he clearly modeled his first few chapters upon them. However, he was one of a small but significant number of slaves who professed to have had direct experience of God, and that experience evidently reshaped his narrative… His story—which he

wrote and printed himself without the benefit of any editor or adviser— became a remarkable spiritual adventure, involving violent resistance to slavery, divine visitations, and an unforgettable sea voyage” (Yuval Taylor, I Was Born a Slave , 414). “More than most authors, Thompson celebrates the slave who resists, who challenges the master’s claim of absolute authority” and focuses on “his “growth of faith” (McCarthy & Doughton, 38-39). “Thompson gained literacy early…to describe his two-year whaling voyage, he seems to have drawn on such sea tales as Frederick Douglass’ novel, Heroic Slave [1853], or Melville’s Benito Cereno [1855]. Scholars also note, “based on compelling evidence internal to his story, he probably read Melville’s Moby Dick (1851) and responds to it in his narrative. The only other known African American who read and responded to Melville’s brilliant exploration of race and freedom on a multiracial whaling ship was the black intellectual and physician James McCune Smith… Like Ishmael, who asks, ‘Who ain’t a slave?’ after going to sea seeking freedom,

Thompson too acknowledges his subordinate status on a whaling ship, which becomes a symbol of America… And he makes whaling an allegory of the state of the soul, much as Ishmael does” (McCarthy & Doughton, 39-40. xvi-xvii). As Thompson’s book progresses, “it moves, in a pilgrim’s progress, from the worldly to the divine. The narrative was well received when published… but it only went through one edition and was not reprinted for over a century” (Yuval Taylor, 414). “Self-published in Worcester in 1856, the book had a very limited circulation… Thompson had his narrative printed at one of the local newspaper offices… [by] Charles Hamilton, printer of the Worcester Palladium . Thompson must have come across one of the advertisements that Hamilton placed in the Palladium in early 1856 and paid for the printing himself” (Roy, in Against a Sharp White Background , 264-65). Four years after publication, Thompson died in Worcester in October 1860. Blockson 9660. Interior fresh with only lightest foxing, trace of edge-wear, faint soiling to bright gilt cloth, About-fine.

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“There Was In John Brown A Complete Identification With The Oppressed” (BROWN, John) (EMERSON, Ralph Waldo) (DREW, Thomas). The John Brown Invasion. An Authentic History of the Harper’s Ferry Tragedy with Full Details of the Capture, Trial, and Execution of the Invaders, and All of the Incidents Connected Therewith. Boston, 1860. Octavo, contemporary half black morocco and marbled boards; original wrappers bound in. $2600. View on Website First edition, issued within months of John Brown’s Harpers Ferry raid, trial and execution, with early reportage, trial testimony and his November 2 address to the court that put “slavery itself on trial,” featuring the first printing of Emerson’s November 18 Speech at Boston’s Tremont Temple delivered two weeks before Brown’s execution, containing engraved frontispiece portrait of Brown, in contemporary half morocco and marbled boards with original papers wrappers bound in.

To African American historian Lerone Bennett, Jr., John Brown “was an elemental force like wind, rain and fire… there was in John Brown a complete identification with the oppressed.” Frederick Douglass, Brown’s trusted friend, once observed: “If John Brown did not end the war on slavery, he did, at least, begin the war that ended slavery” (Reynolds, John Brown , 504, ix). This first edition of John Brown Invasion , compiled by Thomas Drew, assembles in one volume a detailed contemporary chronicle of Brown’s Harpers Ferry raid that began on the night of October 16, and ended two days later when he was captured by soldiers under the command of Robert E. Lee. The book features early reportage, interviews with Brown, correspondence with family members and abolitionists such as Lydia Maria Child, speeches by Wendell Phillips and other leading abolitionists, and extensive coverage of Brown’s trial, along with the trials and executions of Shields Green, John Copeland ( aka Copland), Edwin Coppic and John Cook. Historians have noted an especially key point in Brown’s trial, one that fundamentally impacted the history of slavery and his legacy: “Brown had been compelled to endure his trial in near silence. Virginia adhered to the so-called ‘interested party’ rule—as did every state in 1859—which prohibited a criminal defendant from testifying in his own behalf… That would change when he came before the court for sentencing. Judge Parker ordered Brown to stand before the bench on Wednesday morning, November 2, while the clerk read the obligatory question. Did the defendant have ‘anything to say why sentence should not be pronounced upon him?’ Eloquently and defiantly, Brown seized the moment.” In a brief address to the court, printed here, Brown fundamentally took “control of the courtroom by… placing slavery itself on trial. In less than half an hour, Brown had transformed himself from a murderer to a martyr” (Lubet, Execution in Virginia , 6-7).

This work is also highly notable in containing the first printing of Ralph Waldo Emerson’s November 18 Speech at Boston’s Tremont Temple , in which Emerson cites Brown’s November 2nd address, and praises him as a man who “believes in the Union of America, and he conceives that the only obstruction to the Union is slavery… Is this the kind of man the gallows is built for?” Historian David Reynolds has speculated: “What would have happened if Brown had not violently disrupted the racist juggernaut that was America?… It took nine decades of struggle for America to approach John Brown’s goal of civil rights for all ethnic minorities. Even today the goal is not fully realized. W.E.B. Du Bois’ startling pronouncement thunders through American history. Indeed, ‘John Brown was right’” ( John Brown , 505-6). With engraved frontispiece portrait from a photograph by Whipple; with facsimile inscription below image. Preface by journalist and editor Thomas Drew signed and dated in print: “Boston, Dec. 21, 1839.” Bound-in original wrappers with “Price Twenty-Five Cents” on front wrapper; publisher’s advertisement on rear wrapper. Sabin 8518. BAL 5232. Interior very fresh with lightest scattered foxing, light edge-wear to boards and spine.

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Scarce 1863 Pro-Abolition Political Handbill: Democratic Catechism Of Negro Equality, July 4th, 1863 (CIVIL WAR) (SLAVERY). Handbill [“Democratic Catechism of Negro Equality. July 4, 1863”]. No place, no date. Single sheet of off-white paper, measuring 5-1/2 by 9-1/2 inches, printed on recto only. $950. View on Website Presumed first edition of this scarce Republican handbill charging the Democratic party with supporting African American equality legislatively while claiming to abhor the very idea. “On July 4, 1863 the Democratic Catechism of Negro Equality was published in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. The document criticizes the Democratic Party of the United States for placing the responsibility of African American emancipation on the Republicans’ shoulders instead of participating in the struggle themselves. By beginning the text with an index of the Democratic Party’s accomplishments, the catechism’s authors show how the Party’s ideology already supports abolition, thus revealing the hypocrisy of Democrats’ inaction” ( Changing America , Brown University). In the lead-up to the 1864 presidential election pitting Lincoln against McClellan, many argued that Lincoln favored African Americans over white Americans. Rather than addressing the absurdity of this claim directly, Republicans struck back with this handbill. In it, they attempted to brand Democrats as two-faced, arguing that Democrats provided African Americans with legislative support while claiming to fight against African American equality and suffrage. The specific printing history of this particular handbill is unknown. While some contemporary copies have a publisher’s imprint at the bottom (Johnson’s in Philadelphia) and correct spacing in the date added to the title, some copies—like this one—lack any imprint and also have tight spacing of the date. Regardless, copies with July 4th, 1863 in the title are generally regarded as the first edition. The second edition of 1864 removed the date. Sabin 19499. Marginal chipping to bottom corner, faint foxing, slight creasing to edges, and mild toning along bottom edge. Extremely good condition.

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“Under A Hollow Pretense Of Executing The Law… To Murder Them In Cold Blood”

WELLS, James M. The Chisolm Massacre: A Picture of “Home Rule” in Mississippi. Chicago, 1877. Octavo, original orange cloth. $900. View on Website First edition of Wells’ contemporary account of a massacre in “Bloody Kemper,” Mississippi, triggered by the KKK the same year President Hayes in effect ended Reconstruction, documenting the mob murder of Judge Chisolm and his children, along with reportage on the Klan-led kidnapping and alleged torture of African American Walter Riley (later hanged), with frontispiece and eight full-page illustrations, including an early attempted lynching of Riley. In 1877 America’s newly-elected President Hayes removed all federal troops from the former Confederacy, marking the return of “home rule” for most whites and Southern democrats. In Mississippi’s Kemper County, there was already explosive tension between a white Republican judge, William Chisolm, and Ku Klux Klan leader John Gully. When Gully was killed by an unknown shooter, warrants were issued for Chisolm’s arrest. With the Klan “at the height of its power,… all night preceding the expected arrest armed horsemen rode into the [county seat] De Kalb. On the morning of Sunday, April 30, 1877, the sheriff served the warrants and Chisolm’s family… insisted on accompanying him to jail. In the meantime Gilmer, one of the other arrested Republicans, had been killed by the mob while on the way to the same jail… [and] a staunch friend of Chisolm’s, Angus McLellan,… was in turn shot down as he left the prison.” When the Klan-fueled mob outside the prison attacked Chisolm, his son was shot and he shot his son’s killer before the family retreated into the prison. As the mob yelled, “Burn them out,” Chisolm and his family tried to flee, leading to the murders of the judge and another child. “Leaders of the mob were indicted… none were ever punished… [and] local newspapers repeatedly justified the mob” (Wilkerson, Slow Travels-Mississippi ). In Wells’ contemporary account he cites rumors that a black man named Walter Riley killed Gully, not Chisolm. Soon Riley was “kidnapped from Tennessee… and brought back to Kemper County, without process of a lawful requisition, or any other legal authority.” With Riley in prison, Gully’s relatives and Klansmen “had free access to the prisoner’s cell” and were determined to “wring from Riley a confession” of his and Chisolm’s part in Gully’s murder. Riley confessed to Gully’s death but

refused to name anyone else. As he was “led to the gallows through an immense throng of ‘good citizens’ who had turned out to… see him dangle,” a stay came down from the governor. Wells notes that as “these pages go to press” in late November, Riley’s fate remained uncertain. But a December 12 issue of the Weekly Clarion separately reports that Riley was hanged, and “took the secret with him to the grave.” Kemper County was well “known as Bloody Kemper because of the high homicide rate during the Reconstruction era. The most notorious example of county’s postbellum hostilities was the Chisolm

( alt . Chisholm) Massacre” ( Mississippi Encyclopedia , 681). With frontispiece and eight plates, including an early attempted lynching of Walter Riley. With introduction by Judge Chisolm’s widow. In orange (this copy), red, and green cloth, no priority established. As issued without dust jacket. Blockson 2587. Text quite fresh with lightest foxing mainly to preliminaries; cloth with mild rubbing, toning to spine. An extremely good copy.

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“Attests To The Rich Contribution Of African Americans To A Storied Cuisine” FOX, Minnie C., compiler, and COBURN, Alvin Langdon, photographer. The Blue Grass Cook Book. New York, 1904. Octavo, original blue-gray cloth. $1750. View on Website First edition of Fox’s classic tribute to African American influence in America’s Southern kitchens, illustrated with a full-page image of corn dodgers and biscuits, and 11 full-page photographic images of African American cooks by acclaimed photographer Alvin Langdon Coburn. This landmark Kentucky cookbook from the turn of the 20th century represents the first time African American cooks were explicitly credited with their contributions to Southern cuisine. “Many of these [recipes] must be veritable heirlooms, precious souvenirs of the past, the originals of which were in faded ink, just as they were inscribed by loving hands of mothers and grandmothers” (contemporary review, New York Times ). “This century-old treasure of Southern cooking attests to the rich contribution of African Americans to a storied cuisine. Its author, Minnie Fox, and her author brother, who wrote the introduction, were probably the first Southern whites ever to acknowledge the role of black culinary genius” (Sidney W. Mintz). Poised at a crucial turning point in the history of photography, representing the “transition from pictorialism to modernism, from 19th- to 20th-century photography,” the work of Alvin Langdon Coburn illuminates “the concern of the more advanced pictorialist with ‘modern’ subjects… a shift in attitude that triggered the final push towards photographic modernism” (Parr & Badger I:74). Cagle & Stafford 270. This copy notably contains a contemporary gift inscription dated “Dec 23, 1904,” along with three wonderful handwritten recipes at the rear for “Rolled Oats Bread,” Grandma’s Baked Flour Pudding” and a “Custard Souffle.” Interior very fresh, faintest rubbing to bright cloth. A lovely about-fine copy.

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“The Best Known African American Unit Of WWI”

(WORLD WAR I) LITTLE, Arthur W. From Harlem to the Rhine. The Story of New York’s Colored Volunteers. New York, 1936. Octavo, original blue cloth, dust jacket. $1250. View on Website First edition of Colonel Little’s photo-illustrated history of the pioneering WWI African American combat unit, famed as the “Harlem Hellfighters,” signed by the author, a white officer of the regiment, also with the inscription in an unidentified hand: “This book is presented to Edward Goodell, at the suggestion of ‘Trainee’ Arthur W. Little, Jr., 5th Co. Plattsburg 1940— with the compliments of the author—September 12th 1940,” in scarce dust jacket. Begun as a National Guard Infantry Regiment, “manned by black enlisted soldiers with both black and white officers, the 369th Infantry Regiment, popularly known as the ‘Harlem Hellfighters,’ was the best known African American unit of WWI… Spending over six months in combat, perhaps the longest of any American unit in the war, the 369th suffered approximately 1500 casualties” ( BlackPast ). In his slave narrative, “Frederick Douglass had likened his master to a snake; now a rattlesnake adorned the black veterans’ uniforms— their insignia.” On coming home, they were welcomed with a parade up Fifth Avenue. It was “the first opportunity the City of New York had to greet a full regiment of returning doughboys, black or white” (Gates, Who Were the Harlem Hellfighters? ). Here Col. Little, the white chief of Staff to Col. Hayward, the white commander, offers the first complete story of Harlem Hellfighters, including training in South Carolina where they faced violent racist attacks. In his account of the NY parade, he writes that the people “did not give us their welcome because ours was a regiment of colored soldiers. They did not give us their welcome in spite of ours being a regiment of colored soldiers. They greeted us that day from hearts filled with gratitude and with pride.” Photographic endpapers of the NY parade from The Sun ; containing frontispiece of Henry Johnson and Needham Roberts, the “first American Privates in the Army of France to receive the Croix de Guerre,” with 30 full-page black-and-white photographic illustrations; regiment’s insignia of a rattlesnake on the front board. Faintest toning to spine of about-fine book; light edge-wear, mild creasing, small bit of tape reinforcement to verso of very good dust jacket.

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B L A C K H I S T O R Y & L I T E R A T U R E

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“Attaway’s Artistic Genius Rivals That Of Richard Wright’s Native Son ” ATTAWAY, William. Blood on the Forge. A Novel. Garden City, 1941. Octavo, original russet cloth, dust jacket. $1650. First edition of Attaway’s second and final novel focusing on labor history during the Great Migration, a handsome copy in the highly elusive dust jacket. With Blood on the Forge and his first novel, Let Me Breathe Thunder (1939), Attaway is “heralded as one of the finest chroniclers of the Great Migration in the early 20th century during which multitudes of African American families fled the poverty and racism of the South” (Bader, African American Writers , 7-8). Published in 1941, the novel is closely aligned with the work of his close friend Richard Wright, as well as that of Chester Himes, Arna Bontemps, Claude McKay, early stories by Ralph Ellison and Steinbeck’s Grapes of Wrath . In crisp and vivid prose, Attaway chronicles the lives of three half-brothers who flee the threat of lynching and dire poverty to seek a new life in the North. “At once factual and dramatic, Blood on the Forge , set in a western Pennsylvania mill town in 1919,” also offers a distinct perspective on the Great Steel Strike of 1919. Attaway opened “a new chapter in texts of black labor’s response to racism” and boldly “rewrote the early labor history of the Great Migration. In the factory story no writer of the Harlem Renaissance era told, he explodes the chimera of opportunity and… adds a needed finale to the work of Claude McKay and his contemporaries” (Hapke, Labor’s Text , 213-14). Despite the overwhelming critical success of Blood on the Forge , Attaway never published another novel, focusing instead on short fiction, music and screenwriting to become “one of the earliest African Americans to write for television and film” (Bader, 7). When novelist Philipp Meyer, author of American Rust (2009) and The Son (2013), was asked to name “his favorite book no one else had heard of,” he answered: “ Blood on the Forge , by William Attaway” ( New York Times ). Too long overshadowed, scholars increasingly assert that “Attaway’s artistic genius rivals that of Richard Wright’s Native Son . In Blood on the Forge he has contributed to American literature nothing less than a classic” (Griffin). Book fine; light edge-wear to bright and colorful about-fine dust jacket.

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“One Of The Most Prominent And Militant Voices For Racial Equality In The Early Years Of The Harlem Renaissance”: First Edition Of Claude Mckay’s Major Second Novel, Banjo, In Original Dust Jacket McKAY, Claude. Banjo. A Story without a Plot. New York and London, 1929. Octavo, original half black cloth, dust jacket. $1600. View on Website First edition of McKay’s landmark second novel, his controversial Harlem Renaissance work that marks “an important milestone” in African American literature, a handsome copy in bright original dust jacket designed by African American artist Aaron Douglas. The Jamaican-born McKay “was one of the most prominent and militant voices for racial equality in the early years of the Harlem Renaissance… his fierce artistic and political independence earned him the respect of young writers, among them Langston Hughes” (Bader, African-American Writers , 274-5). McKay’s “importance as a pioneering African American writer lay not only in his specific artistic achievements, but also and more broadly in his ability… to claim for African Americans a voice and a role in the unfolding drama of world history and literature” (Smith, African American Writers , 242). Written while McKay lived in Europe and North Africa for over a decade, “it is possible to read Banjo as a roman a clef portraying friends and acquaintances from his time living in Marseilles, particularly in the summer of 1926 and the spring of 1928” (Hayes, Practice of Diaspora , 189). Prized as well for capturing “a pan-African world community that included the Senegalese dockers and Algerian longshoremen” ( New Yorker ), Banjo “marks an important milestone… McKay’s literary oeuvre is a unique contribution to the global discourse of black writing. It inaugurated two significant black cultural movements, the Harlem Renaissance in the United States and Negritude in Europe” (Ramesh & Rani, Claude McKay , 1, 112). Book fine; light edge-wear, mild toning to spine of colorful unrestored dust jacket, near fine.

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“A Deep Sense Of History, Identity And Place” HUGHES, Langston. The First Book of Negroes. New York, 1952. Square quarto, original green cloth, dust jacket. $3200. First edition of Hughes’ inaugural book in his major five-volume series on black history from the 16th century to Jim Crow America, the rare first printing issued at the height of McCarthyism with Josephine Baker’s image and biography that was quickly omitted from subsequent printings, a very scarce presentation/association copy inscribed in the year of publication: “For my Cousin Pet—Sincerely—Langston, New York, Oct. 10, 1952.” Here, in the first book of Hughes’ five-volume series for children, he “kept clearly in mind the idea that his readers would, more than likely, be the ones to confront their nation’s greatest failure of its democracy, the racial divide, head on. So he wrote in First Book of Negroes (1952) of the noble history of Africans and of the diverse and significant achievements of one African American after another” (Clark, Civics of Getting Along , 8). Written in the form of stories told to a fictional African American boy named Terry, the book was issued two years before the landmark Brown v. Board of Education decision. Terry and the other children in this pioneering work “are both shaped by and come to terms with race politics at once… It can be easy to dismiss the political importance of these messages over 60 years later… To do so, however, is to misread the importance of First Book of Negroes as well as its continually adaptive writer, who sought to bring central, long-developing principles of political rights and aesthetic representation to some of the nation’s youngest and most impressionable citizens… In his early work Hughes had often conceived of Africa, as did other Harlem Renaissance writers, as a symbolic motherland… In First Book of Negroes , by contrast, he is more interested in African resistance to European colonialism… and the flourishing of African civilization before European colonization.” The book’s further assessment of Jim Crow, and Hughes’ focus on a black child in Harlem underlines his conviction that African American “achievement was compatible with a deep sense of history, identity and place. Owning and telling this history, in literature and in lore, was key to the process” (Erickson & Morrell, Educating Harlem ). This exceedingly scarce presentation/association copy is notably inscribed by Hughes only five months before he was compelled to defend himself in the Joseph McCarthy hearings. It is, as well, a rare first printing—one that contains the image and a short biography of Josephine Baker. These were excised when “a New York columnist threatened to attack the book unless all references to her were removed—on the grounds that Baker was a communist—she disappeared from the text in the next printing’” (Rampersad in Bloom, ed., Langston Hughes , 215). In addition, the book was published with no references to either W.E.B. Du Bois or Paul Robeson. In 1965 Hughes spoke of the politics behind that omission: “It was at the height of the McCarthy Red-baiting era, and publishers had to go out of their way to keep books, particularly children’s books, from being attacked, as well as schools and libraries that might purchase books… it was impossible at that time to get anything into children’s books about either Dr. Du Bois or Paul Robeson” (Rampersad II: 230-31). With “First Printing” stated opposite title page; containing image and biography of Josephine Baker (45). With color and black-and-white illustrations by Ursula Koering, many full- and double-page. The identity of Hughes’ “Cousin Pet” is undetermined. Book fine; with bit of edge-wear, chipping to spine ends minimally affecting lettering of colorful, very good dust jacket.

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B L A C K H I S T O R Y & L I T E R A T U R E

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“I Have A Dream” (KING Jr., Martin Luther) (BENNETT Jr., Lerone) SAUNDERS, Doris, ed. The Day They Marched. Chicago, 1963. Tall octavo, original photographic wrappers. $1350. View on Website First edition, first printing, issued within weeks of the March on Washington, featuring one of the earliest printings in book form of Dr. King’s epic speech, I Have a Dream, along with a lead essay by renowned African American historian Lerone Bennett, Jr., and more than 100 photographic illustrations including images of Dr. King, Mahalia Jackson, Congressman John Lewis and many more. The Day They Marched , published soon after the March on Washington, contains one of the earliest printings in book form of Dr. King’s I Have a Dream speech, and also features an eloquent essay by African American historian Lerone Bennett Jr., who long argued that the “history of black people in the U.S. had been ignored or told only through a white filter.” A major editor for Jet and Ebony magazines, he is perhaps best known for his book, Before the Mayflower (1962), which established him “as a leading scholarly voice during the racial ferment of the 1960s” ( New York Times ). Here Bennett especially honors Dr. King’s iconic speech—recalling how his “words… rhythms and the intonation… called back all the struggle and all the pain and all the agony, and held for the possibility of triumph; they called back Emmett Till and Medgar Evers and all the others; called back ropes and chains and bombs and screams in the night… When King finished, grown men and women wept unashamedly.”

The volume’s many photographic illustrations include full-page images of Dr. King, Asa Philip Randolph and Bayard Rustin; portraits of James Farmer and Congressman John Lewis, then Chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee; images of Mahalia Jackson, Marian Anderson, Ralph Abernathy, Rosa Parks and many more civil rights activists, along with moving images of the men and women who traveled across America to make the March on Washington “the biggest demonstration for civil rights in history.” Edited by noted African American publisher Doris E. Saunders. In creating this record of the momentous day, Johnson Publishing, which also issued Jet and Ebony magazines, assembled a photographic team that included Moneta Sleet Jr., G. Marshall Wilson, Norman Hunter, Isaac Sutton, Maurice Sorrell, LeRoy Jeffries, Bertram Miles, and Charles Sanders, along with photographers Enrico Sarsini, Lawrence Henry and Ernest Goodman. The Day They Marched contains a color image on the wrappers, and over 100 black-and-white images within from their photographs. Also featured are printings of President Kennedy’s Statement on the March , a Marchers’ Pledge , the Marchers’ Goals and lyrics to the spiritual, We Shall Overcome . Text and images very fresh, only light edge-wear, faint rubbing to colorful wrappers. A handsome about-fine copy.

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First Edition Of Time On The Cross , Signed And Dated By Nobel Laureate Robert Fogel

FOGEL, Robert William and ENGERMAN, Stanley L. Time on the Cross. The Economics of American Negro Slavery. WITH: Time on the Cross. Evidence and Methods. Boston and Toronto, 1974. Two volumes. Octavo, original brown cloth, dust jackets. $1100. View on Website First edition of one of the most controversial works of scholarship of the past 50 years, signed in each volume by Nobel Prize-winning economist Fogel along with his date of “3/14/13” barely three months before his death. In Time on the Cross Fogel and Engerman used sophisticated economic models to argue that in 19th-century America, Southern slave labor was more economically productive than Northern free labor. On publication economist Peter Passell praised their work, noting: “If a more important book about American history has been published in the last decade, I don’t know about it. Time on the Cross is at once a jarring attack on the methods and conclusions of traditional scholarship and a lucid, highly readable analysis of the special American problem—black slavery… They force us to confront contemporary social failings instead of pushing them into the past” ( New York Times ). After years of controversy— some argued the work endorsed slavery— Fogel published Without Consent or Contract in 1993, where he argued that slavery died out because it was morally backward. That same year he received the Nobel Prize in Economics (along with Douglass Hall) for developing “‘new economic history,’ or cliometrics, i.e. research that combines economic theory, quantitative methods, hypothesis testing, counterfactual alternatives and traditional techniques of economic history, to explain economic growth and decline” (Nobel Committee). Illustrated with numerous charts, graphs and figures. Blockson 10134. “Evidence and Methods” dust jacket price-clipped. In fine condition.

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